Now, the United States involvement in Afghanistan appears to be coming to an end. It has cost the American people some 2,400 military casualties, some 1,800 American civilian casualties, and tens of thousands of physically and mentally wounded warriors. It has also cost some 2.4 trillion dollars. For the Afghan people, it has cost some 70,000 Afghan military casualties, some 50,000 Taliban casualties, hundreds of thousands of civilian casualties, millions of physically and mentally wounded people, and potentially millions of new Afghan refugees. The wounds of war are likely to take a long time to heal in Afghanistan. Will the leaders of the new Afghanistan be able to set aside their resentments from the last twenty years or will they seek retribution beyond what has already been achieved?
Since the September 11 attacks, the United States government has carried out drone strikes in Pakistan, Yemen, Somalia, Iraq, Libya, and Afghanistan. In Afghanistan alone, there have been some 13,072 drone strikes. It is estimated that some 10,000 people were killed in these drone strikes. It is also estimated that 900 of those killed were civilians and that 184 children were among those who were killed. Thus, when President Biden assures everyone that those involved with the bombing at the Kabul Airport will be hunted down, it is likely that he means that a drone will be used to extract retribution irrespective of the collateral civilian casualties that it may cause ... much like what we have witnessed just this week. A rather tragic act that sadly may be so emblematic of what went wrong with the Allied occupation of Afghanistan.
On a more positive note, the Allied occupation of Afghanistan did lead to some progressive changes that found acceptance in the West. During the occupation, a constitution was adopted for the country. Under the post-Taliban constitution of 2004, Afghan women were granted all kinds of rights, and the post-Taliban political dispensation brought social and economic growth that significantly improved their socio-economic condition. From a collapsed health care system with essentially no medical services available to women during the Taliban years, the post-Taliban regime constructed 3,135 functional health facilities by 2018, giving 87 percent of the Afghan people access to a medical facility within two hours distance -- at least in theory, because subsequent Taliban, militia and criminal violence made travel on roads increasingly unsafe ... especially for women.
In 2003, fewer than ten percent of girls were enrolled in primary schools. By 2017, that number had grown to 33 percent. Female education in secondary education grew from six percent in 2003 to 39 percent in 2017. Thus, by 2017, some 3.5 million Afghan girls were in school with some 100,000 Afghan women studying in universities.
The life expectancy grew from 56 years in 2001 to 66 in 2017, and the mortality during childbirth declined from 1,100 per 100,000 live births in 2000 to 396 per 100,000 in 2015.
By last year, 2020, 21 percent of Afghan civil servants were women (compared to almost none during the Taliban years), with sixteen percent of them in senior management levels, and 27 percent of Afghan members of parliament were women. This great progress is directly attributable to the Allied occupation and its financial support.
However, this progressive social progress was not universal. The progress occurred far more abundantly for women in the urban areas. For many rural women, particularly in Pashtun areas but also among other rural minority ethnic groups, actual life was not changed much from the Taliban era. Rural women were still fully dependent on men in their families for permission to access health care, attend schools, and work. Many Afghan men remained deeply conservative. Typically, families allowed their girls to have a primary or secondary education only to have their "educated" daughters married away in arranged marriages. Even if, by chance, the educated daughter is allowed to complete her university education, her father or husband might not permit her to work after graduation. And even without Taliban oversight, most Afghan women in rural areas continued to wear the burqa.
Indeed, despite the economic, social, and political empowerment that came with the Allied occupation, Afghan women in rural areas -- where an estimated 76 percent of the country's women live -- mostly experience the devastation of bloody and endless fighting between the Taliban, the Afghan and Allied forces, and the local militias. Loss of husbands, brothers, and fathers to the fighting generated not only psychological trauma for them, it also fundamentally jeopardized their economic survival and ability to go about every day life. In a culture where a woman should not venture out in public unless accompanied by a man, a widow and her children are highly vulnerable to a whole variety of threats and disruptions due to the loss of the husband and father. For the rural women, for the 76 percent of Afghan women, ending the war was the highest priority, not the advancement of women's rights.
In the discussions that arise over the next months and years, I hope that these hidden figures are kept in the front of your mind. After over 40 years of conflict, millions of deaths, and millions of people having to flee to foreign lands, I, for one, find it disconcerting to say that the Afghan people have not been willing to fight for their country. It seems to me that for over 40 years fighting for their country is the one thing that the Afghan people have done, it is just that the country they have been fighting for happens to be different from the one that appears on the map... or the one that we here in America envisioned it would be.